ð States that the International Relations is a man’s world for relying in visions of the reality which are particularly a fruit of behaviors and perceptions which are fruit of the traditional role of the man in our society.
ð Differentiate between gender and sex, since gender regards the social construction of a behavior and a world view, while sex is a matter of biological differences.
ð Shows that women role in the society is usually associated to the home care, while man’s one is generally associated to hunting and war practices.
ð She says the international relations is a world of man’s for two reasons, both, the small number of women actuating in the field, and, more importantly, the language of power and brute strength which is used to describe and organize such a world.
o Points out that the few women in the field is a direct consequence of their unfit to the warrior-like view of the world, traditionally based in the man’s perception.
o Its like if the society drives the women to behave in a way and, for this, they have denied their presence in the IR field.
§ Criticizes the settlement of a masculine language to describe IR
§ Criticizes the barriers to a women entrance in the field.
ð The issues that are given priority in foreign policy are issues with which men have had special affinity.
ð Morghentaus six principles are fundamental to the scope of IR today and criticizing it is, by extend, to criticize the fundamental bases of IR.
o She knows that there are methodological imperfections and a human nature resource of explanation which is not very precise. However, she highlights that this is a perception deeply rooted even in traditional IR, for so, she attempts to face this stereotype with the feminist one, as to show that the traditional view is biased and restrictive.
ð Tickner criticizes the way Morghentau represents the world by a strictly man’s perspective. She doesn’t says its wrong, but only that its incomplete.
Critiques to his 6 principles:
1. THE PRINCIPLE: Politics, as the society in general, is ruled by objective laws rooted in the human nature.
THE CRITIQUE: Objectivity, as culturally defined, is associated with masculinity. She suggest the more comprehensive notion of Dynamic objectivity.
o Keller links separation of the self from the other as an important stage of masculine gender development, with this notion of objectivity
2. THE PRINCIPLE: Interest is defined in terms of power, what makes politics a highly rational autonomous sphere of action and understanding.
THE CRITIQUE: Interest is multidimensional and contextually contingent and eventually cooperative rather than zero-sum solutions, mostly for problems of common goods and interdependency such as environmental preservation, nuclear war and economic well-being.
o Pledges that traditional policy come to a dead end because any traditional brute force movement would be feasible in a world in the shadows of the atomic war. It would be too dangerous.
o Also stresses the emergency on interdependence agendas and the emergence of other relevant unities than the traditional states.
o Question the rationality perfect fit of the world by inquiring if it is not a man’s tendency to see only rationally likable aspects of reality.
§ Says that feminist epistemology valorizes the ambiguity and difference.
3. THE PRINCIPLE: Interest defined in terms of power means that power is a universally valid category, but not with a rigid and permanent meaning. Power is variable for involving the various possibilities of one controlling the other.
THE CRITIQUE: Power, in a sense of domination, can’t be universally value category, because there may be space for other uses of capacity, such as, for example, collective empowerment, which she points to be associated with femininity.
o Highlights Hannah Arendt concept of power as being the ability to act in concert, or to take action in connection with others who share similar concerns.
o Jane Jaquette argues that, since women have less access to the instruments of coercion, they have been more apt to rely on power as persuasion; she compares women domestic activities to coalition building.
§ Jaquette stresses the similarities between small states operating from a position of weakness in the International System and women in the society.
§ E.g. SADCC and European Community.
o Karl Deusch’s notion of pluralistic security communities is an example of building community.
o Security, which is a power strictly associated concept, only meets Morghentau’s (militarized) perception if looking to the West-East dynamics, because the North-South points more to the satisfaction of basic material needs.
o Carolyn Merchant argues that mechanistic view of nature, contained in modern science, drove the development into paths of environmental destruction.
o Sara Ruddick’s work on maternal thinking, that points that the ends for which disputes are fought are subordinate to the means by which they are resolved.
§ It depends on finding a common humanity among the opponents.
o Gilligan’s definition of female morality.
4. THE PRINCIPLE: Realism is aware of the moral signification of political actions but, still, sustains that universal moral principles can’t be abstractly applied to states action without first being filtered by the concrete circunstances of time and place.
THE CRITIQUE: Rejects the possibility of separating moral commands from political actions. There is no parameter to measure rather the political implications over moral is more relevant than the moral implications over politics.
5. THE PRINCIPLE: Political realism refuses to identify the moral aspirations of a particular nation with the moral laws that govern the universe.
THE CRITIQUE: Stresses the belief in the existence of a common moral elements in human aspirations.
6. THE PRINCIPLE: Political man must be brought from other aspects of human nature and not be regarded as a category above the others.
THE CRITIQUE: Denies the simple presumption that politics is an autonomous field. Politics is not only brought from the other areas, but is also lively-dependent of them, because feminists believes that boundaries about thoughts are socially constructed and excludes non-mainstream contributions, like the feminist one.
ð Morghentau’s realpolitik prescriptions for successful political action appear as prescriptions for avoiding the exactly same mistakes to be committed again, but not properly a prescription with timeless applicability.
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